Browsing by Author "Howe, Darin M."

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    Harmonic scales as faithfulness
    (Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 2004-03) Howe, Darin M.; Pulleyblank, Douglas
    Optimality Theory predicts that harmonic scales (⟦α ≻ β⟧) can be encoded in grammar as markedness hierarchies (⟦*β ≫ *α⟧) or else as faithfulness hierarchies (⟦Faith(β) ≫ Faith(α)⟧ or ⟦Faith(α) ≫ Faith(β)⟧). Most research assumes that harmony is encoded as markedness (e.g., ⟦Cor ≻ Lab⟧ ∴ ⟦*Lab ≫ *Cor⟧), though many investigators have argued that some harmonic relations are better captured as faithfulness hierarchies which forestall deletion/insertion of less harmonic elements (e.g., ⟦Cor ≻ Lab⟧ ∴ ⟦Faith(Lab) ≫ Faith(Cor)⟧). We demonstrate in this paper that at least two perceptually-motivated harmonic scales — one concerning vowel quality, the other concerning glottalisation on consonants — need to be grammatically encoded as faithfulness hierarchies which ensure that more harmonic elements which are also more perceptible are more faithfully adhered to (⟦α ≻ β⟧, where |α| > |β| ∴ ⟦Faith(α) ≫ Faith(β)⟧).
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    On Blackfoot syllabics and the Law of Finals
    (2005-10-22) Ermineskin, Rachel; Howe, Darin M.
    A Roman orthography is now standard for Blackfoot, but a syllabary was previously in use. Following a discussion of the remarkable design of this writing scheme, we examine its vernacular usage in some personal diaries of one of the presenters’ relatives. Based on these writings, we describe the Law of Finals for Blackfoot and other syllabaries, and we suggest a few small revisions to the Blackfoot syllabary.
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    Patterns and timing of glottalisation
    (2001-01-08) Howe, Darin M.; Pulleyblank, Douglas George
    Through an investigation of glottalisation in several languages of North America, this article examines the role of perception in the grammatical distribution of segments. Specifically, we consider the hypothesis that perceptual factors on the timing of glottalisation in consonants determine the arrangement of such consonants phonologically. Our conclusion is in the negative. In the cases we study, the distribution of glottalisation appears to be governed by syllable structure, not by glottal timing. We interpret the patterns presented as evidence for a modular theory of phonetics and phonology rather than a theory where properties of articulator timing are directly referenced by phonological constraints. Patterns of glottalisation result from the interaction of phonological submodules that are largely independent of each other, though properties of particular modules may be influenced by phonetic factors.