Browsing by Author "Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-"
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Item Open Access Alberta : a community development heritage alternative(1996) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-Since 1980, twelve new heritage attractions have been constructed by the Province of Alberta with three new facilities opening since 1990 despite a major recession. All but the Royal Tyrrell Museum and its Field Station were built by the Historic Sites Service of the Department of Culture, formerly of the Department of Culture and Multiculturalism, and now a branch of the Department of Community Development. On the average, these facilities have cost some $10 million each. Along with five sites built before 1980, they attract some one million visitors annually, and contribute over $25 million to the local and $5 million to the provincial economies.Item Open Access The Anglican Church and the disintegration of Red River society, 1818-1870(McLellan and Stewart Limited, 1976) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-In 1821 Red River was desolate, destitute and barbarous. The uncompromising struggle of the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company for control of the British North American Fur trade bred ruthlessness and violence. Honourable men became dishonourable and death and whiskey became common. The miseries of the climate compounded those of violence. Grasshoppers more than once destroyed the crops, the buffalo hunt frequently failed, and floods sometimes prevented early spring planting.Item Open Access Canadian memory institutions and the digital revolution : the last five years(University of Calgary Press, 1998) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-Three American companies carry 80 per cent of Internet traffic. America Online has a large financial interest in two of these companies. Today there are about 1.5 million connections to the Internet; by 2010 there will be 1.5 billion. From 1993 to 1997 graphic content moved from zero per cent to 14 per cent; by 2010 it will dominate. The average capital cost to access the Internet is about $3,000, with an annual operating cost of $400 - enough in most of the world to support a family of four for a year. Over 90 per cent of all communication on the Internet is in English, and most activity on the Internet is commercial. In 1980 there were 411 digital databases; in 1997 there are over 10,000. Over 57 per cent of University of Calgary undergraduates prefer to access information in digital form. Only two to three universities in Canada can afford all the available databases and full text materials. A 2000 University of Calgary study for the Social Science and Humanities Federation indicates that there are only two hundred Canadian sites that meet basic scholarly standards. Six vendors control most of the key academic databases. Fifty-seven per cent of Canadian scholars who identified a reason for not using electronic resources indicated that they were not credible (Archer 2000, Table 6).' What sense can be made of these apparently random numbers and events? Castells (1997) has offered a profound analysis. He argues that we are in the midst of an "information technology revolution" that is "pervasive" and which is influencing social and economic interactions. He would argue further that the adaptations of the new technologies depend very much on national identities and cultures. It should be noted, however, that in his approximately fifteen hundred pages he does not mention libraries, archives or museums even once. If one acknowledges these memory institutions as players in the new information age, however, several conclusions become apparent. First, the "cultural democracy" of the Internet is athe moment an illusion. Content creation and access still rests with a few Western, English-speaking information aggregators who have their roots in commerce rather than in intellectual pursuits or culture. Second, there is an even more concentrated control over the best Web content than there ever was over print. This is in part because the technical capacities of the digital environment allow for the perfect commodification and control of information. Third, the early stages of content and technology development were undertaken by American government agencies, for example the National Science Foundation. Leadership has now been handed of to the private sector. Sprint, Ameritech, and Microsoft now dominate technology, and Thomson and Elsevier high-end content. And the library world's OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), the American-based information collaborative, is beginning to dominate the English-speaking post-secondary world.Item Open Access 'Corruption' at Moose(Canada's National History Society, 1979) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-On the cold, desolate, wind-swept shore of Hudson Bay, winters were long and there was nothing but brandy and talk to relieve the boredom of the endless ice and the interminable meals of salt geese and dried pease. Tempers grew shorter as the winter lengthened and the new recruits succumbed to the bottle and inevitable melancholia. Rebellions brewed and violence was too often the order of the day. Only a few found life even tolerable. These few lived a careful compromise between the heavily regulated life of the Company fort and the freedom offered by the camps of the 'Home Guard' Indians? those Indians who lived near the fort year-round and provided local food supplies to the Company.Item Open Access Cyber Imperialisme et marginalisation des autochtones au Canada(Institut National de la Recherche Scientifique INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société., 2000) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-Les populations indigènes du Canada seraient-elles sujettes, comme les. autres populations du Canada, à un cyberimpérialisme insidieux, qui menace de dénaturer et de marginaliser leurs cultures, voire de les éliminer d'ici une génération ? Le processus de marginalisation apparaît inexorable. Il semblerait que la situation soit plus sérieuse au Canada que dans le cyber tiers-monde, en ce que le Net a anesthésié la plupart des Canadiens, y compris les Autochtones, à le voir seulement comme une source de promesses illimitées. Nos gouvernements ont dépensé des milliards pour édifier l'autoroute de l'information, mais on commence seulement à se préoccuper de contenus. Ils ont choisi clairement de ne pas laisser les communautés autochtones en arrière, si le site sur les Autochtones, à l'intérieur des collections numériques d'Industrie Canada et des initiatives de Netera, est d'une quelconque indication. La question est plus complexe, cependant, que celle de simplement alimenter des sites avec des contenus provocateurs relatifs aux cultures amérindiennes ou à l'univers canadien.Item Open Access Debating Metis Rights(Literary Review of Canada, 1992-04) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-Thomas Flanagan usually manages to place himself at the centre of controversy whenever he writes about the Metis. While his work may often appear to be motivated by ideology rather than the persuasiveness of historical evidence, he nevertheless has provided a consistent academic argument in his various writings on Riel and the Metis(see in particular his Louis 'David' Riel: 'Prophet of the New World') that those more sympathetic to the Metis experience must counter.Item Open Access The fur trade and Western Canadian society, 1670-1870(The Canadian Historical Association, 1987) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-The political, economic, and social history of present day Northwest Territories, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba, was, for the first two hundred years of European contact, a product of the fur trade. At various posts along the region's principal rivers and lakes, traders would exchange such manufactured goods as blankets, beads, guns, tobacco, and axes for native supplies of beaver, marten, and muskrat pelts. In fact, beaver was so abundant that it came to be treated as a currency throughout the Canadian North West. This trading system was highly complex, involving not only the French, Scottish, and Canadian traders who came from the St. Lawrence Valley, and the British traders who came from Hudson Bay with their financial base in England, but the various native groups as well. And the history of the fur trade is not only the story of the actual trade itself, but also that of the new society created by the intermingling of fur traders and natives in the Western interior.Item Open Access The historiography of the Red River Settlement, 1830-1868(Canadian Plains Research Center, 1981) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-In the many studies of the Red River Settlement written since 1856, the prime factors affecting the Settlement have been variously conceived as economic, geographic or political. In contrast to the traditional historical studies exploring these external influences, recent writings have dealt with the internal dynamics of the community as the source of development and change. Dans les nombreuses etudes realisees depuis 1856 sur la colonie de la Riviere Rouge, les facteurs primordiaux affectant cette colonie ont ete percu comme etant d'ordre economique, geographique ou politique. Par opposition avec les etudes historiques traditionnelles explorant ces influences externes, de recentes etudes ont traite de la dynamique interne de la communaute comme etant la source de developpement et de changement.Item Open Access History of the Canadian Metis : study guide(Athabasca University, 1996) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-The political, economic, and social history of present-day Canada was, for the first three huhdred years after European contact, a product of the fisheries and the fur trade. Posts along the ocean shores and along the principal rivers and lakes saw European traders exchange such manufactured goods as blankets, beads, guns, tobacco, and axes for quantities of beaver, marten, and muskrat pelts supplied by Natives. Beaver was so abundant that it was treated as currency in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Canada. This far-flung and complex trading system involved a variety of Native and European groups, including the Iroquois nations of southern Ontario and northern New York, the Ojibwa of the Prairies and the Ontario Woodlands, the Mi'kmaq of Atlantic Canada, the Western Cree, the Dutch on the Hudson River, the French, Scottish, and Canadien traders who came from the St. Lawrence Valley, and the British traders who came from Hudson Bay but who had their financial base in Britain. The history of the fur trade is not only a story of commerce, but that of the new society created by the intermingling of fur traders and Natives. The experience of the "historic Metis," a term defined on page 4, is central to the current identity of the Canadian Metis peoples. It is therefore worthwhile to provide a general historical background of these buffalohunting mixed-bloods of the Canadian plains who have become the Canadian Metis of today. This background will help you understand the assigned readings for the course.Item Open Access Insidious sources and the historical interpretation of the Pre-1870 West(Canadian Plains Research Centre, 1981) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-There has been a noticeable absence of the Anglican church, or its documents, in the mainstream of Canadian historical writing on the pre-1870 west. This does not mean that the Church of England has not been the subject of exhaustive research; it has been, by church historians or historians of missionary endeavours like T.C.B. Boon, Arthur Thompson, Vera Fast, Katherine Pettipas, and Frank Peake. Rather it means that those historians struggling with the broader social and economic history of the pre-1870 west, who set the general direction of western Canadian historiography, have ignored not only the Church of England and its contributions, but more important the archives of its various missionary societies and one diocese. A brief examination of the various mainstream authors who have set the interpretation of the pre-1870 west will illustrate these points.Item Open Access Interpretation on the new frontier: the Alberta experience(Alberta Museums Association, 1994) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-The author has provided a thought-provoking analysis of the origins and influences of the heritage interpretation field in Alberta. He explores the effect successive generations of immigrants have had on the culture of the province, and how these waves of immigration have been reflected in our cultural institutions. Finally, he discusses some possible correctives aimed at developing a more cohesive, integrated whole. L'auteur fournit une analyse inspirante des origines et des influences du domaine de I'interpretation du patrimoine en Alberta. I etudie I'effet que les generations successives d'immigrants ont eu sur la culture de la province et comment ces vagues d'immigration se refletent dans nos institutions culturelles. Enfin, il examine certaines mesures correctives visant a developper un tout cohesif et solidaire. This paper was delivered to the Montana State Historical Society. August 1994Item Open Access The Medicine Line and the thin red line(Montana Historical Society, 1996) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-The Medicine Line, the name given by the Blackfoot to the Canadian-American border, reflects the "magic" that it imposes on certain people. How can similar peoples sharing the same continent be so different when divided by the "Medicine Line"? There is also another interpretation of the border. Many Canadians see it as a thin red line: the 49th parallel protects their rather fragile culture from unimaginable incursions from the south. (This commentary is adapted from an address he [the author] presented at the Montana History Conference in Helena in October 1995.)Item Open Access Metis studies : the development of a field and new directions(University of Alberta Press, 2001) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-Until recently, sources for Metis studies have been few both for classroom use as well as academic reflection. Lately, there has been a virtual explosion of interest, although largely among non-Metis historians. Now this to has begun to change. A new dynamic is also forcing Metis historiography out of the bog Red River in which some argue it has been mired for too long. The writings of the previous decades have already been examined from a historiographical perspective in several excellent articles. Rather than updating these useful exercises, an alternative is to examine the new literature from a topical perspective, posing questions and suggesting new avenues of investigation. The current literature is the reflection of scholarly concerns of the last two decades and fit into six basic themes or areas: the origins of the Metis people, the historic Metis of the fur trade period of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the Metis Diaspora of the mid to late nineteenth century, the revival of Metis consciousness in the twentieth century, Metis land claims, and Metis women's history. A case could be made that the beginning point in each of these areas are the great icons of Metis historiography: W.L. Morton, G.F.G. Stanley, and Marcel Giraud. However, their studies have been well assessed and often reinforce stereotypes, so it is best to look to more recent literature.Item Open Access A probe into the demographic structure of nineteenth century Red River(University of Alberta Press, 1976) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-To the casual observer in 1830 Red River appeared a picturesque rural backwater dotted with church steeples and numerous windmills. The impression would not have been inaccurate. By 1830 the settlement had recovered from the violent struggle between the British and Canadian fur companies and the accompanying desolation, barbarity, and destitution. But the golden decade of the half sedentary, half nomadic life (built around the extended family and the neighborhood) that had become Red River by 1830 lasted only a few years. By 1840 the settlement was faced with a crisis of the land that caused the breakdown and disintegration of the extended family and consequently Red River. Until the rush of Ontarians in the later nineteenth century killed the Red River dream forever, the settlement writhed in a confused agony seeking to perpetuate its myth of that impossible half nomadic, half sedentary existence. The 1849 free trade crisis, the unrest of the 1850s, and the Riel affair were all products of this breakdown. This is not to deny that they were a result as well of the Company's attempt to fossilize its monopoly, and Ontario's effort to extend its empire westward.Item Open Access Protestant agricultural Zions for the western Indian(Canadian Church Historical Society, 1972-09) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-Three evangelical Protestant denominations, the Anglicans, Methodists and Presbyterians established missions in the Canadian West from 1820 to 1870. Their success was marginal, with no missionary achieving the ultimate goal of self-sufficient and predominantly agricultural communities. Their existence was never more than fragile. Agriculture was retarded, only in a few cases spontaneous, and always ancillary to hunting and "tripping".Item Open Access The Rev. Griffiths Owen Corbett and the Red River Civil War of 1869-70(University of Toronto Press, 1979-06) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-G.F.G. Stanley and W.L. Morton have offered two contradictory and well documented interpretations of the first Riel resistance. Professor Stanley places the resistance within the framework of the frontier thesis. To him it was a 'manifestation ... of the problem of the frontier, namely the clash between primitive and civilized peoples. In all parts of the world, in South Africa, New Zealand and North America, the penetration of white settlement into territories inhabited by native peoples had led to friction and wars; Canadian expansion into the North-West led to a similar result. Here both half-breed population and Indian tribes rose in arms against Canadian intrusion and the imposition of an alien civilization.' Professor Morton disagrees with Stanley. For him 'what the Metis chiefly feared in 1869 was not the entrance of the agricultural frontier of Ontario into Red River - and they would have welcomed that of Quebec - but the sudden influx of immigrants of English speech and Protestant faith.'Item Open Access The Rev. James Evans and the social antagonisms of the fur trade society, 1840-1846(Canadian Plains Research Centre, 1974) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-In 1839 the Hudson's Bay Company invited four Methodist missionaries, James Evans, William Mason, Robert T. Rundle and George Barnley, to educate the heathen in Rupert's Land. By 1848 only Mason remained, and in 1854 he defected to the Church Missionary Society. Evans stormed out of the West accused of most "unmethodistical and unclerical" intercourse with three Indian maidens. George Barnley left because of a quarrel with Chief Factor Miles over the use of the Company's mess for tea parties. Only Robert T. Rundle departed under more auspicious circumstances; he broke his arm. Yet even he was engaged in a continuing battle with Fort Edmonton's Chief Factor over the Cree translation of the Seventh Commandment.Item Open Access Riel House : a critical review(Association of Canadian Archivists, 1984) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-A very critical study of the preservation strategies employed at Riel House. Riel House was opened to the public by Parks Canada in the summer of 1980, after almost a decade of research and restoration. Situated at 330 River Road, St. Vital, Manitoba, it was acquired by the Manitoba Historical Society in April 1968, and was subsequently transferred to the federal government on 15 April 1970. The house, operated on contract by the St. Boniface Historical Society, is a three room structure, consisting of a living area, two bedrooms, and an undeveloped upstairs. Julie Lagimodiere, Riel's mother, occupied one bedroom, and the other was presumably for Marguerite, Riel's wife. There were other bedrooms in the 1880s. The house has been restored to the period just after Riel's lying "in state" there in 1885.Item Open Access The rise of the heritage priesthood or the decline of community based heritage(National Trust for Historic Preservation, 1998) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-In October 1996 the United States Department of the Interior sent a cover letter for a lengthy document to state historic preservation officers and copied "tribes, professional organizations, and other interested parties." It symbolized to me the history of the preservation movement in the last 30 years. It is only an accident that this document prodded me to question the growing authority of the heritage professional in North America. Unchecked it might soon infect the rest of the world. The document's title seemed innocent enough?"The Secretary of the Interior's Historic Preservation Professional Qualification Standards." The introduction was less so. Although it concedes that the protection and preservation of "America's important historic and cultural" properties depend on citizen participation, it states without apology that "certain decisions must be made by individuals who meet nationally accepted professional standards." It does not leave citizens the option to decide whether or not to obtain "professional input." Is the priesthood of professionals now to be formally placed between the people and their past? Professionals no longer advise or counsel? they decide. Important cultural decisions can now be only made by professionals. The document then goes on to establish the criteria and bureaucratic processes for the "consecration" of the 11 chosen professions.Item Open Access A selected Western Canada historical resources bibliography to 1985(Canadian Plains Research Center, 1990) Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-The bibliography was compiled from careful library and institutional searches. Accumulated titles were sent to various federal, provincial and municipal jurisdictions, academic institutions and foundations with a request for correction and additions. These included: Parks Canada in Ottawa, Winnipeg (Prairie Region) and Calgary (Western Region); Manitoba (Department of Culture, Heritage and Recreation); Saskatchewan (Department of Culture and Recreation); Alberta (Historic Sites Service); and British Columbia (Ministry of Provincial Secretary and Government Services . The municipalities approached were those known to have an interest in heritage: Winnipeg, Brandon, Saskatoon, Regina, Moose Jaw, Edmonton, Calgary, Medicine Hat, Red Deer, Victoria, Vancouver and Nelson. Agencies contacted were Heritage Canada Foundation in Ottawa, Heritage Mainstreet Projects in Nelson and Moose Jaw, and the Old Strathcona Foundation in Edmonton. Various academics at the universities of Calgary and Alberta were also contacted.