Reduplication in Hiligaynon
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AbstractThis thesis presents an indepth study of reduplication in Hiligaynon, one of the eight major languages of the Philippines. It is initially proposed that there are seven classes of reduplication in Hiligaynon. These classes are later reduced to three major classes, which are formalized in terms of consonant-vowel skeleta: CVCCV(C+) (Class 1), C-ulu- (Class 2), and CV- (Class 3). Two important reduplication: problems surface in Hiligaynon (1) does the copying of the vowel in -Vl Infixation constitute reduplication?; and (2) how can a grammar account for the interaction of Nasal Substitution and Vowel Syncope with reduplication? It is shown that stress placement plays an important role in determining what constitutes reduplication. Although the phonological shape of the vowel in -Vl- Infixation is predictable from the first vowel of the root to which it attaches, this morphological process does not represent reduplication since stress placement in -Vl infixed forms resembles stress placement in other affixed forms rather than in reduplicated forms. This thesis shows how a standard generative grammar, in which phonological processes apply to the output of the morphological component, fails to account for the interaction of Nasal Substitution and Vowel Syncope (phonological processes) with reduplication (a morphological process). It is also shown that Wilbur's (1973) Identity Constraint, Carrier's (1979) ordering solution, Marantz's rnorpholexical rules, and Mohanan's (1982) dissertation on Lexical Phonology are inadequate for dealing with the Hiligaynon data. In this study, this interaction is accounted for by allowing Nasal Substitution and Vowel Syncope to apply in the morphological component as "morpholexical rules", and by ordering them extrinsically in relation to different classes of reduplication.
Bibliography: p. 157-164.
CitationCameron, L. J. (1985). Reduplication in Hiligaynon (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/17005
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