Double-object perception verbs and cross-clausal anaphoricity

Abstract

In this paper perception verbs (PVs) in Bulgarian, Greek and Spanish are argued to allow for double-object subcategorization frames consisting of a phrasal object and a finite clausal complement. In all three languages an obligatory link of coreference is shown to project between the phrasal object and an external(ized) or internal argument of the clausal complement. As inter-object PV-coreference is obligatory and so is argument status of the participants in the relation the data reviewed support a comprehensive Theory of Control where obligatory referential dependence of an argument is compatible with Standard (as well as Null) Case. The analysis outlined here extends proposals by Suñer (1984/1984) for compatibility of Control and Nominative Case to compatibility of Control and Accusative/Dative Case. Theory-internal considerations and empirical evidence invalidate alternative approaches developed for Greek Control subjunctives which have been argued to license Null Case against a temporally deficient Infl (Varlokosta & Hornstein 1993) or against subjunctive particles heading MoodP (Terzi 1992/3). Neither traditional Case-deficiency formalized as Null Case (Chomsky & Lasnik ( 1993) and related-work) nor nonlexical status of the controllee (Siguroson 1991) can be defined in absolute terms vis a vis Control. Both lexicalization of the controlled ec and its Case specification are viewed as parametrizable, as opposed to coreferentiality which underlies Control universally and, subsuming it under Binding, is crucial for Full Interpretation. To ensure proper identification of controller and controllee it is proposed that their Interpretable φ-features are juxtaposed via Move-F(eature) in a designated Head-Head checking configuration for the licensing of [Ctrl]. [Ctrl] is thus treated as a sub label of Comp of the clausal complement of PVs, as a tribute to their special Control subcategorization properties.