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dc.contributor.authorSt. Goddard, Rosalind
dc.date.accessioned2016-06-24T21:34:36Z
dc.date.available2016-06-24T21:34:36Z
dc.date.issued2014-09
dc.identifier.citationSt. Goddard, R. (2014). A comparison of Japanese and Blackfoot vowel devoicing. Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics, 28(Fall), 81-96.en_US
dc.identifier.issn2371-2643
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1880/51476
dc.description.abstractThis paper compares and contrasts the factors that contribute to devoicing in Japanese and Blackfoot. Japanese vowel devoicing has received rigorous discussion in linguistic literature. Tsuchida (2001) provides a particularly persuasive argument for Japanese vowel devoicing using the Optimality Theory Framework (Prince and Smolensky 2004); she argues that all Japanese voiceless fricatives are specified for [SG] and devoicing occurs when this [SG] feature is shared within a syllable. The notion that voiceless vowels carry the feature [SG] can also be extended to instances of Blackfoot vowel devoicing. Blackfoot voiceless vowels generally occur in two contexts: They occur word finally, and word-medially when they are followed by the palatal/dorsal sounds [x]/[ç], which are orthographically represented as <h>. In contrast to Japanese voiceless fricatives, it appears that not all Blackfoot voiceless fricatives distribute the [SG] feature. The Blackfoot palatal fricative [ç] and the dorsal fricative [x] both trigger devoicing, whereas the fricative [s] does not. To explain this patterning of [x] and [ç], Reis Silva (2008) argues that [x] and [ç] are not fricatives, but rather preaspiration ([SG]) specified on certain obstruents. In this paper, I will discuss the constraints proposed in Tsuchida (2001), and extend/adapt those constraints to Blackfoot word final vowel devoicing. Additionally, In my analysis of Blackfoot word-medial vowel devoicing, I will adopt Reis Silva’s (2008) analysis that [x]/[ç] are not fricatives, but preaspiration specified on obstruents. Lastly, I argue that the word-medial vowel devoicing that occurs with [x] and [ç] is phonological rather than phonetic.en_US
dc.languageEnglish
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.publisherUniversity of Calgaryen_US
dc.subjectLinguisticsen_US
dc.subjectAlgonquian languagesen_US
dc.subjectBlackfooten_US
dc.subjectSiksika languageen_US
dc.subjectJapanese languageen_US
dc.subjectPhonologyen_US
dc.subjectOptimality theory (Linguistics)en_US
dc.subjectConstraints (Linguistics)en_US
dc.subjectDistinctive features (Linguistics)en_US
dc.titleA comparison of Japanese and Blackfoot vowel devoicingen_US
dc.typejournal article
dc.description.refereedYesen_US
dc.publisher.facultyArtsen_US
dc.publisher.departmentLinguisticsen_US
dc.publisher.institutionUniversity of Calgaryen_US
dc.identifier.doihttp://dx.doi.org/10.11575/PRISM/28984


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