School of Public Policy
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The School of Public Policy is Canada’s leading policy school. The School was founded in 2008 by renowned economist Jack Mintz with a vision to drive policy discourse with relevant research, outreach and teaching. Its faculty is composed of scholars with exceptional academic credentials and experienced practitioners in business, government and the non-profit sector.
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Item Embargo A Focus on Crisis(2012-06) Rodych, Andrew; Flanagan, ThomasEveryday both the public and the private sector face crises. They can be wide ranging in type such as industrial incidents, natural and environmental disasters, safety breaches, cyber issues, and beyond. Crises will continue to occur in our world, and it is necessary to be prepared and understand the consequences that occur from responsive action. This report argues that crisis management has an effect on public policy creation. A model of best practice for crisis management is defined, and then applied to the case study of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. Application of the model to the case study, shows that crisis management best practices do have an impact on the creation of short-term public policy. A failure of best practice during a crisis can lead to the development of new issues beyond the original crisis, in particular the expansion of disaster zones, adverse affects on involved actors, and public outrage. Such crisis mismanagement in certain instances can lead to reactionary short-term public policy to mitigate the situation. Reactionary public policy, due to being rushed, ill researched, and in many cases designed to appease the public at large based on a short-term view of public opinion, can fail to have a proper scope. In addition, it may not succeed in its desired outcome, sometimes even producing unintended secondary effects. ·Crisis management has an effect on public policy. If executed well, it can reduce the need for reactionary short-term public policy. This can lead to an avoidance or reduction in public financial costs regarding the crisis. There is a link between the private and public sector. They work and interact daily. There will be good times and bad times. During times of crisis, the government will play a role and may be driven by short-term considerations in its creation of public policy. However, it remains better for the government to intervene in a crisis with a long-term policy direction in mind. If crisis management best practices are used, private industry or key actors can reduce reactionary government policy. Economists discuss the idea of market failures being a reason for government intervention. In a way, crises can evolve into a market failure if the private actors involved cannot properly utilize crisis management. This leads to the reaction of government through public policy. Crises are going to happen, they are going to be diverse, and in many cases, there will be issues and concerns for the public at large. It is critical that preparations are made by all actors to have crisis management strategies ready. This recommendation is based on this report, which shows the influence of crisis management practices on the actions of other actors (in this case the government) over the period of the crisis, and into the future.Item Embargo Aboriginal Migration, Economic Incentives, and Community Well-being: A Proposal(2012-08) Chowdhury, Nazmul; Kneebone, RonaldCity Migration Patterns:Data indicate that migration is not a major determinant of Aboriginal population growth in major Canadian cities and provinces. As the reserves have experienced net in-migration of First Nations since 1966, increase in the affiliation of individuals to Aboriginal identity due to the legal changes by the Bill C-31 and C-3, and natural growth have been the major contributors to Aboriginal population growth in cities. Small urban areas and rural areas have been losing Aboriginal population overall. The percentage of Aboriginal population residing in cities has increased due the changes in legal frameworks and natural growth. Provincial Migration Patterns: Provincial migration is a small factor in the geographical distribution of Aboriginal population. However, there has been a clear trend among the Aboriginal peoples to move out of Ontario, British Columbia, and Quebec to Alberta between 2001-2006. Statistics Canada projection indicates that Alberta may become the second largest home to Aboriginal populations by the end of 2017, following Ontario. Particularly, the Métis have been moving primarily to Alberta from all other provinces. Projection indicates that growth in the Aboriginal population in Alberta, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan may relegate British Columbia to the fourth largest position for hosting Aboriginal populations from its current second. Ontario is expected to remain as the largest home to the Aboriginal population until the projection period of 2017. Migration and Impact: International studies indicate that migration is positively correlated with well-being in the community of origin. Similarly, study findings strongly suggest that migration is positively correlated with Aboriginal well-being; particularly higher out-migration is correlated with higher education and income among the First Nations in Canada. Since First Nations have had net in-migration to the reserves since the 1960s, the paper examines such trends by focusing on the relative economic incentives between on-reserve and off-reserve locations. Policy Recommendation: The paper recognizes that the current balance between on-reserve and off-reserve economic incentives may need to be adjusted for the greater well-being of First Nations. In order to offset the gap in economic incentives between on and off-reserve locations, the paper recommends a tax credit to off-reserve First Nations members for investing in the reserves. The credit may generate additional capital for economic growth in the reserves on the one hand, and offset any gap in economic incentives between on and off-reserve locations on the other. Such a credit may transform the growing urban Aboriginal population as a source of opportunities for the on-reserve communities and increase economic growth in the reserves that may allow the band councils to initiate taxation in the reserves in the long run.Item Embargo The Future of the Canada-United States Border: Towards a Perimeter Approach to North American Security(2012-08) Turner, Mackenzie; Bercuson, DavidThis project addresses the policy issue of whether or not Canada and the United States should move towards the establishment of a North American perimeter approach to security. The issue has become of extreme importance and relevance following the attacks of September 11, 2001, on the United States. It continues to be discussed in great detail and has contributed to the Canada-US Smart Border Declaration, the 2011 Beyond the Border Action Plan, the recent 2012 Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Northern Border Strategy and a number of other negotiations with continental implications. In this paper, previous literature is reviewed from scholars of two schools of thought who differ in their support for (Fortress North America) and against (Fortress America) the formation of a continental defensive perimeter. Through a critical examination of these authors' works, this project examines the strengths and weaknesses of each argument. This project also seeks to describe the current and anticipate the future course of action favoured by politicians and state officials in both Canada and the United States in regard to this highly contentious issue. A compromise between the two schools of thought is typically favoured by politicians and this paper will reveal the implications of this policy on the Canada-United States border. While a compromise is expected, this project advocates the establishment of a Canada-United States perimeter approach to security on account of its capability to reduce internal barriers to trade, enhance continental political partnership and better protect the citizens of North America. In order to achieve this transition three crucial steps must take place: a public demand for a perimeter approach to security; the ratification of legally binding agreements to reach this goal; and the establishment of a proven dispute settlement mechanism to address contentious issues between Canada and the United States. This project seeks to serve as a springboard on which to work towards this goal.Item Embargo Past the 49th Parallel: An Evaluation of the Beyong the Border Agreements(2012-09) Mallany, Sean; Mintz, JackIn 2011, two different agreements between Canada and the US were announced to address this apparent conflict between security and economics at the border: the “Perimeter Security and Economic Competitiveness Action Plan” (PSEC) and the “Regulatory Cooperation Council Joint Action Plan” (RCC). When taken together, both documents fall under the broader label of the “Beyond the Border Joint Action Plan” (BTB). PSEC proposes joint actions designed to address border security and screening procedures, and to crack down on threats such as narcotics trafficking or terrorism. The RCC will focus on aligning regulations to reduce the “tyranny of small differences” that raise the costs of doing business for firms that trade across the Canada/ US border (Robertson, 2012, p. 34). Together, these agreements are designed to increase the security that both countries enjoy while simultaneously leading to increased economic competitiveness and growth. What is not immediately clear is whether or not PSEC and the RCC are significant milestones towards both countries actually reaching these goals. This capstone project will therefore answer the following research question: How significant are the economic and security effects of the Beyond the Border action plans? The project will begin with a brief background on past border policies since 2001. In order to effectively answer the research question, the effects that that both PSEC and the RCC have on Canada/ US border policies will be subdivided into two very broad categories: economic, and security. When measuring the potential economic impact of the documents, an analysis will focus on which industries of the Canadian economy will be affected by the regulatory alignment efforts of the RCC and how large and important these industries are to Canada’s economic prosperity. In addition to measuring the specific industries that will be affected by the RCC, we can measure how PSEC will affect trade across the 49th parallel more generally. This can be done by estimating the costs of having different regulations on either side of the border, or by examining the costs to firms of having to wait in long lineups to cross the border. While it is still too early to measure the direct effects of these two agreements on Canada/US trade flows, these costs give an idea of the potential economic benefits of reducing the “thickening” of the border. The higher the costs that the current border policy imposes, the higher the potential for PSEC to reduce these costs and be economically significant. After analyzing the economic effects of the Beyond the Border agreements, the paper will focus on the significance of PSEC to achieving security related objectives. This analysis will primarily be qualitative in nature, due to the difficulty of trying to measure a concept like security. By shifting the Canada/ US security focus away from our shared border and more towards a continental security model, we see both governments trying to “push the border out” to secure the North American continent as a whole. While this may lead to efficiencies in security procedures, this is dependent on a high degree of trust and cooperation at multiple levels of government in order to actually work. By examining patterns that are apparent within PSEC proposals, such as a focus on cooperation or shifting to higher risk targets, we can determine how significantly PSEC will change border security efforts. The final section of the capstone project will address potential problems that could interfere with the implementation of the Beyond the Border action plans. For example, some potential flaws that could limit or derail the implementation of the Beyond the Border plan could be the perceived potential of a gradual attrition of Canadian sovereignty, a lack of executive follow through as bureaucratic agencies attempt to harmonize regulations, privacy concerns regarding information sharing, constitutional and jurisdictional conflicts between the federal and provincial governments or an overwhelming of the legislative systems as the Beyond the Border agreements are implemented. Before we can actually determine how significant the BTB agreements are, we have to understand some past policy initiatives and challenges that Canadians and Americans have faced. Only by viewing BTB in the context of past initiatives designed to address both Canadian trade concerns and American security assessments, can we understand if it is a dramatic shift from past initiatives or if it is building on past policies.Item Embargo Extracting Value From the Canadian Extractive Sector(2012-09) Boucher, Daniel; McKenzie, KennethThis paper seeks to provide an initial evaluation of CIDA's CSR development project partnership policy, which is related to the Canadian government's CSR strategy for the Canadian international extractive sector - titled Building the Canadian Advantage: A Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Strategy for the Canadian International Extractive Sector. This evaluation is important because CIDA's funding of CSR development project partnerships may represent a long-term fundamental realignment of Canada's foreign aid policy. The conclusion of this evaluation is that CIDA' s support for CSR development project partnerships can be an effective use of limited resources because CSR development projects can result in positive development outcomes being achieved, as long as best practices are followed in the design and implementation of the projects. In fact CSR development projects present a unique opportunity to leverage the fiscal resources and potential expertise of corporations operating in a community to achieve positive development outcomes.Item Embargo Urban Aboriginal Community Engagement(2012-09) Green, Breanna; Flanagan, TomThis paper explores the ways Aboriginal-led organizations use community engagement processes to address the issues underlying many of the challenges urban Aboriginals face. Community engagement refers to processes where people come together to collaboratively address issues that affect and are of importance to the community, and to come up with community-based solutions. It is assumed that programs, services, plans or policies developed with community involvement will be more responsive and effective than those developed from the 'top-down.' Community engagement also has a number of other benefits, which includes supporting the development of a cohesive and active community. Engaging the community, however, is not a straightforward process when engaging with the urban Aboriginal community. Urban Aboriginals are one of the fastest growing and youngest populations in Canada. The policies and attitudes that supported colonization and assimilation have worked to break up Aboriginal communities and destroy positive Aboriginal identities, and have also promoted discrimination against Aboriginals. This has resulted in a number of socio-economic issues affecting urban Aboriginals, and has also presented a number of challenges to engaging the urban Aboriginal community. Mainstream services and programs have not been effective and have resulted in poor outcomes for urban Aboriginals. Given the role of governmental and non-Aboriginal organizations in producing and perpetuating the challenges urban Aboriginals face, Aboriginal-led organizations are at the forefront in involving the urban Aboriginal community in developing community-based solutions. These organizations recognize the impacts colonization and assimilation have had on urban Aboriginals and are utilizing the process of community engagement to not only involve the urban Aboriginal community in finding new and more effective approaches to the issues they face, but to also to help ameliorate these issues through the community engagement process itself. This highlights the importance of the process of community engagement and not only the end result of the engagement, particularly in relation to marginalized groups. By identifying both the methods used by urban Aboriginal-led organizations to engage the community and the values that guide them, some of the promising practices of community engagement that Aboriginal-led organizations are using to promote a positive and involved urban Aboriginal community needed to resist further marginalization are illuminated. In order to better understand the ways urban Aboriginal-led organizations use the processes of community engagement to address the challenges faced by urban Aboriginal communities, a review of the community engagement strategies currently being used by Aboriginal-led organizations based in western Canadian cities and towns was conducted. Aboriginal-led agencies utilize the process of community engagement in order to address some of the roots of the issues they work to alleviate with the urban Aboriginal community: lack of a sense of belonging, negative self-identification, lack of skills and confidence, and few supportive opportunities to participate in decision making. Their approaches are guided by the values that define Aboriginal-led organizations. They address all aspects of a person's life, respect their clients' opinions, are culturally sensitive and use traditional values and knowledge to support positive identities and feelings of community. Most importantly, they work toward the empowerment of individuals and the urban Aboriginal community as a whole. While the government has the material resources to address these issues, the historical relationship and legacy of colonization, combined with the racism that many urban Aboriginals face when accessing mainstream services, highlights the importance of Aboriginal-led organizations in this process. Many of these organizations, however, rely in part on government funding. This funding is often contingent on the evaluated effectiveness of the work the organizations do. Evaluative tools that focus on individual- and family-level impacts of community engagement will be most effective in measuring the change produced by community engagement by Aboriginal-led organizations in the short term. It is important to note that eliminating the systemic discrimination many urban Aboriginals experience is also the responsibility of governments and of other Canadians if wide-spread improvements are to be made.Item Embargo A Comparative Analysis of Domestic Violence Protection Legislation in Canada(2012-09) Dennett, Thom; Kneebone, RonaldDomestic violence is a pervasive social problem. It affects all Canadians to some extent, but is especially worrisome for women. "Every hour of every day, a woman in Alberta will undergo some form of interpersonal violence from an ex-partner or ex-spouse" (Wells, Boodt, & Emery, 2012). Although Alberta falls on the higher end of rates of domestic violence compared to other sub-national jurisdictions, it is not uncharacteristic of the rest of Canada (Sinha, 2012). One of the strategies to deal with domestic violence has been the introduction of specialized domestic violence legislation. Nine of the thirteen sub-national jurisdictions in Canada have active specialized domestic violence legislation, and two sub-national jurisdictions had bills for specialized domestic violence legislation that did not get royal assent. The federal government has a bill for specialized domestic violence legislation that was passed through the Senate, and is currently in the House of Commons (Canada P. o., 2012). These statutes all have similarities, but have significant differences in several areas. Specifically they differ in their definitions of violence and what kind of relationship one has to be in, the offence and penalties provision, whether there is an arrest provision, and the duration of orders. This report compares the various legislations, highlights the differences in legislation, and discusses the implications of the diversity of legislation throughout Canada.Item Embargo Housing First in Alberta(2012-09) Campbell, Rachel; Kneebone, RonaldThis paper investigates the way in which the Housing First philosophy and model have been adapted to suit the setting in Calgary and Alberta. It also touches on the relationships between different stakeholders in the realm of homeless service delivery in Alberta, as well as incentives these stakeholders have to reach common goals. The Alberta government has pledged hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to end homelessness through adoption of Alberta's 10-year plan to end homelessness. Calgary has adopted a similar plan. Both plans commit to end homelessness in Alberta and Calgary, respectively, by 2018 by employing a strategy known as "Housing First". Housing First is a fairly new and revolutionary philosophy and service delivery model in which clients experiencing homelessness are offered a permanent housing solution before any other needs, such as mental health, addictions, poor employability, etcetera are addressed. While Housing First has been widely acclaimed in the academic literature, it has only been so in the context of single men and women with a diagnosis severe mental illness. There is no literature proving its efficacy or effectiveness for other populations such as families with children. However, the plans in Calgary and Alberta more widely call for Housing First to be applied to all populations. As time passes and more data is collected, we will see whether this wide adoption of Housing First is hailed as an innovative and forward-thinking or premature on the part of the government and the Calgary Homeless Foundation.Item Embargo When Politics and Economics Collide: Policy Implications for Reforming Oil and Gas Royalties(2012-09) Beatty, Patrick; Mintz, JackRising oil and gas prices have encouraged governments to increase their take from oil and gas development. In the last seven years, both Alaska and Alberta updated their fiscal regimes to ensure they received their 'fair share' from petroleum projects. The fiscal changes implemented in both jurisdictions have proven to be extremely controversial and provoked a strong debate over the best royalty design. In North America, the debate over fiscal regimes is often too politically charged to take account of the economics behind achieving the most efficient regime. This paper will argue that the political debate over oil and gas fiscal regimes does not reflect the economics of efficient oil and gas taxation. To make this case, this paper will examine the economics of oil and gas royalties and the politics surrounding the fiscal changes in Alaska and Alberta. The political experience in both jurisdictions is illuminating as they share many similarities and offer excellent case studies for how royalty changes occur. This paper will conclude by providing some insight into how politics and economics have collided to produce less than efficient results.Item Embargo Chinese Investment into the Canadian Oil Sands(2012-09) Lai, Daniel; Moore, MichaelAs the demand for energy and the price of oil continues to increase, Canada has become a major player in the global oil market. China's continuous economic growth over the past decade has created an increased demand for energy and natural resources. Active outward investments from Chinese National Oil Companies (NOC) over the past three years in the Canadian oil sands suggest the need for a better understanding of NOCs, investment trends, and possible impacts to Canada with future DFI. Although it appears that Chinese NOCs have been acting according to estimated market guidelines and principles of conduct, it is clear that there have been strategic purchasing of key energy systems in developed countries. Until the recent proposed acquisition of Nexen by PetroChina, Chinese investments into Canadian oil sands were limited by comparison with other oil producing countries. In the absence of new pipeline capacity aiming at the Pacific Coast, the primary customer for Canadian crude supplies remains the United States. This is problematic since it artificially limits the market, and exposes Canadian producers to price manipulation and non-competitive behavior. This project concludes that the Canadian government should seek to diversify the energy economy by allowing the building of a pipeline to the Pacific Coast and allow for competition in the oil sands market by exploring potential customers in Asia though new and increased infrastructure development. To improve diversification, it is recommended that a positive and welcoming diplomatic attitude towards China is crucial. Lastly, advancements in the transparency of investment sources and enhancing dialogues between stakeholders of the oil sands can better inform Canadians and improve communication between the energy community, foreign companies, and the Canadian government.Item Embargo Public Policy and Labour Shortages in Alberta(2012-09) Nelson, Adam; McKenzie, KennethOver the last decade, Alberta has been experiencing sector-specific, and at times, economy-wide labour shortages. These shortages are projected to increase over the coming decades, leading to concerns about the impact they could have Alberta's future economic growth and prosperity. This topic has been considered by academics, as well as governmental and nongovernmental bodies, although a majority of the work was done prior to the 2008-2009 Global Economic Crisis. While there is some debate about the scope of the issue, there is a general consensus that some type of government intervention into the province's labour market will be necessary. It is argued here that the proposed policies should be evaluated in terms of whether their impact is short- or long-term. These policies range from refonn of social programs and increasing labour mobility to increasing international immigration and economic diversification. It is clear that none of these proposals on their own, or even together, will completely solve the issue but with the co-operation of other levels of government, the private sector and workers, the negative impacts of these shortages will be less severe.Item Restricted The Alberta Oil Sands: Factors of Risk Perception and Outrage(2012-09) Simpson, Catherine; Mansell, RobertEvery major project has some associated environmental, health and safety hazards and this is equally true for major energy projects. Environmental impact assessments, cost-benefit analysis and economic projections are tools used by regulators to determine the acceptability of hazards. Sometimes, however, the risks the public perceives to be associated with a given project are disproportionate to the actual hazards that exist. Peter Sandman uses the term outrage to characterize the verbal opposition, expressions of concern and political activism that occur as a result of inflated risk perception. Public outrage can create reputational challenges for projects, challenging their social licence to operate, delaying approval processes and slowing economic growth, despite regulatory approvals to ensure technical, health and safety. While much of the risk perception literature is applicable to the benefits of major projects, this paper will focus solely on the real and perceived environmental, health and safety costs. Any conversation around risk communication must acknowledge that public outrage can often lead to better project outcomes,, can be quite legitimate and is always important. Citizens have every right to be concerned and interested in any activity of both private and public undertaking that impacts their environment, health or social wellbeing. Public opinion is a crucial check and balance to industrial profit maximizing and corporate interests. However, the correlation between actual hazard and public outrage is remarkably weak. If a list of hazards is rank-ordered by "expected annual mortality ... and then rank-ordered (again) by how upsetting the various risks are to people, the correlation between the two rank-orders would be approximately 0.2". Such a weak correlation between actual hazard and public outrage makes it possible to manipulate public outrage, amplifying or attenuating it to suit a certain preference. Disproportionate risk perceptions confound rational, responsible decision making and challenge the development of good public policy. Assuming that "the oil sands have a reputational crisis not an environmental one", why do the oil sands provoke such outrage?3 What can be done to subdue public concern to a level that more appropriately befits the hazard level in order to facilitate improved policy discussions?Item Embargo The Effect Bylaw Enforcement has on Calgary's 10-Year Plan to End Homelessness(2012-09) Hutton, Sarah; Kneebone, RonaldIn 2008, the City of Calgary was the first Canadian city to implement a 10-year plan to end homelessness and the city has since been regarded as a Canadian leader in the effort to end homelessness. This report will address whether bylaws or enforcement methods affect Calgary's effort to end homelessness. Does the enforcement of bylaws create a cycle of jail and shelter usage that is difficult for many homeless individuals to escape? Does the current enforcement method create an economic burden for taxpayers or prevent the success of the Calgary 10-Year Plan to End Homelessness? According to the City of Calgary, "bylaws are created as a way to address issues and concerns of the local community. They are created to protect the environment, public health, public safety, or to maintain an orderly appearance in your community and city" (The City of Calgary, 2012). The City of Calgary must enforce bylaws in a way that serves both Calgary's housed and homeless citizens. The enforcement of bylaws is expected to preserve the quality of life and economic interests for Calgary's housed citizens, while at the same time respecting the rights of homeless individuals and assisting them in getting off the street. The purpose of this report is to provide an overview of the current bylaw enforcement approach in Calgary and to assess to what extent the current method affects Calgary's 10-year Plan to End Homelessness. This report will address how the City of Calgary balances the interests of various stakeholders; those interested in how bylaws are enforced and those interested in how the homeless are supported. The report will describe how in an attempt to balance the interests of stakeholders the City of Calgary is inadvertently creating a cycle of jail, and shelter usage amongst homeless people. The first section of the report will discuss why bylaw enforcement is necessary to control certain homeless behaviours. Specific discussion of Calgary's Public Behaviour and Panhandling bylaws and Calgary's law enforcement agencies will be included. The second section of the report will discuss what happens when law enforcement leads to ticketing of homeless people, and what happens when tickets lead to court appearances and time spent in custody. The third section of the report will discuss how homeless people return to the street once they are released from custody. This section will represent the end/start of the jail and shelter usage cycle. Each section will include some discussion of the social and economic costs and benefits associated with the enforcement of bylaws in the City of Calgary.Item Embargo A Trans-Pacific Welcome?(2012-09) Brown, Jasmine; Flanagan, TomCanada has built a strong global rapport in foreign relations that provides a solid foundation in which future trade may realize success. The Canadian government has acknowledged the importance of growing trade and investment to the standards of living and future prosperity of Canadians.1 Among Canada's international priorities and objectives stand the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Latin America region as areas of focus.2 Although Canada has specified interest in exploratory discussions with Mercosur to enhance trade relations with related countries, it may not be the only way to access Latin American markets moving forward and consideration should be placed on other multilateral agreements with strict standards and great promise. The Trans-Pacific Partnership is a potential multilateral agreement in which not only Canada, but also multiple Latin American countries have expressed interest. It is from this base and through this connection which this study stems.Item Embargo Keystone XL and the Social Amplification of Risk(2012-09) Wasney, Gillian; Mansell, RobertDevelopment of Canada's oil sands resource involves large scale, high-value, and long-lived assets, complex technology and infrastructure, large numbers of highly skilled people, and numerous environmental implications. Because of these components, there is potential for large consequences in the event that something goes wrong. However, because of these risks, Canada's federal government, provincial governments, and oil industry proponents have worked together to develop vast improvements to industry standards and regulation over the past several decades. Some of these regulatory improvements have meant an increase in corporate social responsibility, comprehensive and ongoing stakeholder consultation, and extensive research and technology improvements aimed at reducing the environmental footprint. Large companies such as Suncor, Syncrude and Cenovus have all implemented environmental and consultation programs to their corporate mandate in order to maintain the safety, sustainability and well being of environmental and Aboriginal communities, cultures and lands. For example, Syncrude regularly conducts tours of reclamation areas for representatives from local Aboriginal communities to ensure their efforts meet the standards of these stakeholders. Suncor, through its Suncor Energy Foundation (SEF), invests in Aboriginal education, training, and leadership development in order to help maintain Aboriginal community and culture. Additionally, Cenovus has implemented advanced technology such as remote cameras to monitor how wildlife interacts with above-ground pipelines, in order to better understand and reduced disturbance for wildlife habits. Despite such efforts and improvements, public opposition to the oil sands seems to be intensifying. Canada's oil sands resource has been subject to increased public scrutiny and criticism over the past several years and has been harshly stigmatized as 'dirty oil'. This stigmatization could be the result of factually incorrect and misleading information being reproduced through a 'social amplification of risk' framework, in efforts to further a particular political position or ideology of opposition. When misinformation and non factual risk statements are reproduced in many different outlets, there can inevitably be a promotion of fear, which may ultimately prevent important regulatory decisions being made based on solid science based evidence. Thus, if misleading and factually incorrect information is disseminated to a large number of people, the potential for stigmatization is high. This has the potential to affect political decisions, social perception, and ultimately for the oil sands, a license to operate. The problem of misinformation can generally impair efficient, economic and orderly development in the public interest. For the oil sands industry, misleading and factually incorrect information has been effectively disseminated to the public by environmental organizations, activists, and celebrities. One particular often heard example in media is a comparison of the footprint of the mineable oil sands to the state of Florida or New York. The Natural Resources Defense Council has claimed that "an area the size of Florida will become a wasteland if tar sands growth goes unchecked." However, this is a case of non factual and misleading information. Mineable oil sands will disturb an area maximum of 4800 square kilometers. Furthermore, this area will not be disturbed all at one time due to progressive reclamation. In actuality, the size of the disturbed area on the oil sands is about 0.3% of the state of Florida. Another example of misleading and non factual information is the claim that no oil sands area has been reclaimed. In reality, over 10% has undergone or is undergoing active reclamation. The government vigorously regulates reclamation efforts and will issue huge fines and potentially shut down or suspend operation for companies that do not comply with regulation and industry standards. In many ways the facts surrounding oil sands development do not accord with the 'dirty oil' reputation. Thus, it is important to examine how the oil sands got this negative public perception, given the potential policy effects for oil sands development. This study will focus on one particular project associated with oil sands development that has disproportionately been affected by the oil sands stigmatization; TransCanada's Keystone XL crude pipeline project. In recent months public protest and opposition against Canada's alleged 'dirty oil' has been strong enough to force the US government into withholding approval of the multi-billion dollar proposal of TransCanada's Keystone XL crude oil pipeline project which would carry oil from Alberta's oil sands to the United States Gulf Coast. In light of the politically-induced withholding of approval for such a large-scale infrastructure project, it is worthwhile to examine exactly what appears be happening in our society to initiate such strong opposition to a project that would have profound economic benefits. Factually incorrect and misleading statements have led to fears and stigmatizations of Keystone XL, indicating that the project is a victim of the social phenomenon described by social and risk analysts as the "social amplification of risk." This is a concept whereby actual physical risk, which a technical expert may judge to be relatively benign, is amplified by a series of social interactions, which often involve misinformation, that work to generate intense public concern. In some cases, the risk amplification can be to a degree that even an entire industry could be stigmatized as undeservedly dangerous. The social amplification of risk concept can be broadly applied to the nature of misinformation regarding benefits or costs. For instance, people who are in opposition of an industry or project may downplay economic or social benefits to amplify the risks associated with proceeding with it. In this study I examine the stigmatization of Keystone XL in the context of the social amplification of risk concept in an attempt to explain how risk and misinformation amplification, when applied to oil sands development, could have serious policy consequences and costs. Through this examination, I argue that the risks associated with Keystone XL, and in turn with Alberta's oil sands resource, have been amplified through factually incorrect and misleading information. I illustrate how this risk amplification has resulted in costs, not only to TransCanada, but also to Canada and the United States in general. After establishing this, I consider the possible policy responses that could help the oil sands industry, and individual oil sands infrastructure proponents such as TransCanada, to counteract this harsh stigmatism and risk amplification. I begin with a description of the "social amplification of risk" concept.Item Embargo Evaluation of Alberta's Greenhouse Gas Policies(2012-09) Raeewal, Parminder; Mintz, JackWith less than eight years left to meet emission targets established under Alberta's carbon policies, it is a good time to step back and evaluate whether these polices are on track to meet the targets. In order to assess the effectiveness of the policies, this report conducts a differences-in-differences analysis to compare how emissions have changed in comparison to Saskatchewan. It is discovered, despite the implementation of the levy in 2007, emission behavior between the two provinces is quite similar. The levy has not been able to significantly curb behavior and achieve the reductions required under Alberta's greenhouse gas policies. In order to achieve a significant shift in behavior, five recommendations are outlined to change the current carbon policies, which include: 1. An increase in the price of carbon & coverage of the levy 2. Make small emitters accountable under the carbon policy 3. Not include offset credits as a reduction in emissions 4. Make Carbon Capture & Storage initiatives more economically viable for companies to undertake or alternatively look for other carbon reducing technologies. 5. Develop an independent body which evaluates the performance of polices annuallyItem Embargo Growing and Sustaining the Canada-Columbia Free Trade Agreement and Canadian Foreign Direct Investment in Columbia(2012-09) Schmitt, Laura; McKenzie, Kennethnumber of Canadian companies have been investing and operating in Colombia for the past couple of decades despite the region's tumultuous and violent history. More recently, the Colombian government, under the leadership of Presidents Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos, have taken great strides to improve the overall security situation and liberalize the country's economic policies. The Harper government took note of these improvements and now views Colombia as a politically and economically stable emerging market in Latin America. After much debate and controversy the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement was brought in to force on August 15, 2011. A number of factions took sides in support of or in opposition to the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement in response to the sociopolitical, environmental and economic risks and opportunities that the agreement and increased Canadian Foreign Direct Investment in Colombia pose for both parties. In an attempt to mitigate some of these risks, both countries have set out specific ancillary agreements that deal with environmental, labour and human rights standards, which were brought in to force along with the Free Trade Agreement. Unfortunately, many vulnerable Colombian citizens, specific Canadian and Colombian industries, and the Colombian environment are still exposed to great risk as the ancillary agreements do little to specify how the intent of the agreements will be implemented. This paper argues that a policy option moving forward is the establishment of an overarching institution which would involve voluntary membership from key Canadian companies operating in Colombia, Canadian and Colombian government representatives, and progressive NGOs that specialize in environmental, human rights and labour issues. To ensure comprehensiveness and accountability the institutional framework of the organization could be based on the International Finance Corporation's eight Performance Standards, which include: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts; Labor and Working Conditions; Resource Efficiency and Pollution Prevention; Community Health, Safety, and Security; Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement; Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Management of Living Natural Resources; Indigenous Peoples; and Cultural Heritage. With this risk management framework in place much of the success and sustainability of the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and continued Canada Foreign Direct Investment in Colombia could be ensured. A highly successful Canadian engagement model in Colombia would bolster international reputation, creating opportunity for further trade in Latin American countries.Item Embargo Environmental Corporate Social Responsibility Reporting in the Oil Sands: New Directions(2012-09) Gacek, Keith; Flanagan, TomThe environmental performance of oil sands development in Canada is under intense public scrutiny. The prevailing narrative positions industry development with an essential contribution to Canada's economy and energy security against potential environmental damage and negative impacts on communities. This research paper studies whether the range of current corporate social responsibility (CSR) indicators used by oil sands companies effectively addresses the main environmental externalities associated with oil sands development. This research finds that, while improvements have been made, there are still significant gaps in reporting methods. This paper then explores ways to both improve these CSR reports and suggests drivers (policy or other) that will help incentivize a more consistent release of information on environmental externalities by corporations. The suggestions for improvement are placed in the context of communicating more effectively with a broad range of multiple stakeholders. Finally, this paper concludes by discussing how improved environmental CSR reporting in the oil sands will not only help enhance the industry's "social license to operate," but will also contribute to our understanding and advancement of the political and socio-economic setting in which oil sands development occurs.Item Embargo Herding Cats: Stakeholder Consultation and 2012 Changes to the National Energy Board Act(2012-09) Suchet, Lloyd; Moore, MichaelIndustrialization in the world market, particularly in Asia, coupled with an increase in Canadian energy production means that Canada needs the transportation infrastructure to bring its energy supplies to market. The most economical way to transport Canadian oil and gas is through pipelines, however the process of regulatory approvals for their construction has become a challenge.1 This is a result primarily of pressure from outside groups like environmental groups, aboriginal groups, unions, and landowners. Designed to evaluate projects on their own merit and potential affect on interested parties, wider societal questions of the oil industry and climate change has crept into the process, making it longer and adding costs to firms and the Canadian economy. By looking at the history of the National Energy Board (NEB), the justification for its creation, and its past performance, this paper will use data from the past ten years as well as relevant theory to address recent (2012) changes to the process used by the NEB. In particular, I will assess whether the legislation will accomplish its goal of a less delay-prone, more responsive approval process that will increase public confidence in pipeline reviews. The intended changes will result in a less delay-prone approval process that still enables public participation. This should have the effect of increasing public confidence in the process.Item Embargo Multilevel Regulation and the World Trade Organization(2012-09) Mullen, Stephanie; McKenzie, KennethGovernance and domestic policymaking, typically considered a state's sovereign right under international law, are now increasingly regulated at the international level. As such, when states implement policy, consideration must now be given to international measures and obligations, in addition to the interests of domestic governmental and private actors. This growing influence of international obligations on domestic policymaking may be viewed as a violation of the principle of state sovereignty, which asserts that states have exclusive sovereignty over their own territory. Nevertheless, through increasing participation in intergovernmental organizations and other international agreements, states continue to delegate significant amounts of power to international institutions. As a result, policymaking at the domestic level has become increasingly more complex as it is subject to multilevel regulation and various levels of legal orders. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the impact that international regulation has on domestic policymaking. This Capstone Project analyzes the potential economic impact of Directive 2008/101 (the "Directive"), a policy recently implemented to include aviation emissions in the European Emissions Trading System (the EU ETS). Despite the uncertainty of the findings, it is maintained that the Directive will have some impact on trade and the aviation industry. Therefore, the Capstone Project is concerned primarily with the Directive's legality under international trade rules at the WTO. It is important to consider whether the EU's measure to include aviation emissions is justifiable under WTO law, as the EU's unilateral action to regulate global emissions is the first of its kind. The arguments in the following maintain that, although the Directive may be inconsistent with the EU's legal obligations arising out of the WTO agreements, WTO case law may provide the EU some basis for justification for the Directive. This Capstone Project is concerned primarily with the argument about whether the EU should balance their obligations under the WTO with their sovereign right to policymaking. To what extent should states balance the selfinterest of various state actors with their international obligations? Through the analysis of the Directive, this Capstone Project will provide a greater understanding on the interplay between the two. It is evident that the issues raised are relevant to the unilateral action by the EU to develop a regulatory measure for aviation emissions; the Directive will either be the catalyst for increased environmental regulation under international obligations, or lead to a decline in the effectiveness of intergovernmental organizations.